„სტუდენტური საისტორიო ძიებანი“ სამეცნიერო-პერიოდული გამოცემაა, რომელშიც იბეჭდება საქართველოსა და მსოფლიოს ისტორიის საკითხებთან დაკავშირებული სამეცნიერო სტატიები და გამოდის წელიწადში ერთხელ. სტუდენტური კვლევების, აკადემიური თარგმანების, წყაროთა და საარქივო მასალების გამოქვეყნება შეუძლია ავტორიზებული უნივერსიტეტის სამივე საფეხურის სტუდენტს.
დიონიცის ხელისუფლება: მესამე რაიხის უკანასკნელი დღეები
საავტორო უფლებები (c) 2026 სტუდენტური საისტორიო ძიებანი
სევსამორას ტერიტორიაზე აღმოჩენილი ბატილუმის განსასაზღვრად
This study focuses on the bronze batillum (incense shovel) discovered near Sevsamora, within the territory of the Kingdom of Kartli (Caucasian Iberia). However, only four batillum have been identified in Kartli to date − two from Dedoplis Gora, one from Tbilisi, and one from Sevsamora. The latter presents unique features that allow it to be classified as a classic example. Although the available material dates to Late Antiquity, the visual evidence suggests that the ritual use of the batillum did not emerge suddenly during this period. Alternatively, its form and symbolic associations appear to preserve elements of earlier ritual traditions that are present in both Jewish and Roman religious contexts. When examined archaeologically, the batillum should therefore be understood not only as a cultic symbol, but also as an object shaped by prolonged contact between different religious communities, reflecting the movement of ideas, practices, and identities across wider cultural networks. The archaeological study of the batillum absolutely shows us that this cultic instrument is representative of global cultural exchange and the expression of religious identities. Its form, function, and geographical distribution reflect the diversity of its ritual significance. Indeed, this single ritual object allows us to journey across time, offering a tangible link to the cultural landscapes of the main the main objective of the presentation is to reveal the developmental stages of the batillum (incense shovel) and its functional diversity, which entails tracing the transmission of form ideas through cultural exchange and identifying their adaptation within different societies, including in the context of the Kingdom of Kartli (Caucasian Iberia). Archaeological research on the batillum clearly demonstrates that this cultic instrument expresses global interactions, cultural exchange, and religious identities. Its form, function, and distribution attest to the multiplicity of religious meanings − indeed, a single ritual instrument takes us on a journey into the past. By analyzing Batillum’s discovery in comparison with other archaeological excavations and written evidence, the study suggests that these artefacts in Caucasian Iberia may have been employed by local Jewish groups, potentially associated with prominent religious figures who found shelter in Iberia after Roman suppression. More broadly, the research highlights the cultural and ritual significance of incense shovels in the Caucasian context, viewing them as symbols of identity and continuity within Jewish religious traditions in the diaspora. Finally, the study of incense shovels in Caucasian Iberia contributes to a more nuanced understanding of Jewish life in the region during Late Antiquity. Rather than viewing ritual instruments as passive imports, the archaeological evidence allows us to see how archaeological objects were integrated into local religious rituals and reinterpreted within specific historical circumstances. In this way, the Batillum serves as a small but meaningful indicator of broader cultural processes, linking Kartli to the wider religious and cultural networks of the ancient world. We believe that perhaps these Batillums were used to place incense products and carry them to the altar, or to a place where fragrant essences were poured onto the heated ground, and certain ritual regulations were performed. It is quite possible that the Batillum located on the territory of the Kingdom of Kartli belonged to representatives of the high social circle, high priests, who survived Roman repression and took refuge in the Caucasian Iberia.
ბატილუმი, სინაგოგა, თორა, ლულავი, ეთროგი, მენორა
ერთწლიანი ციკლი (2004 წ.) ქართულ-ოსური კონფლიქტის ისტორიაში:წინაპირობები, საომარი მოქმედებები და შედეგები
The given work contains a detailed description of the one year length cycle in the history of Georgian-Ossetian conflict. Particularly, the reasons and results, as well as the failed mechanisms to the conflict resolution of small-scaled hostilities between Georgians and Ossetians. The twelve month length cycle of 2004 year is divided into three parts: the general presidential elections of Georgia in January to Georgian-Ossetian military activities itself in July-August and also the aftermath of the war between the belligerents. 1) As it turns out from the work, what the main candidate and the future president of Georgia did in the first place was a visit to Tskhinvali and Russian Federation in January-February of 2004 year. Nonetheless, Adjarian “Bloodless revolution” in April-May frustrated the conflict resolution. For instance, de-facto president of South Ossetia, as well as the representatives of Russia declared in the following months that they would not tolerate “Adjarian case” in Tskhinvali. The research paper shows that Russians gave an armament to Ossetian military forces in June, whereas the abolition of Ergneti market triggered an unsatisfied attitudes in Ossetian population. 2) Another phase of the one year length cycle is designated as the direct reasons of conflict escalation and the hostilities between Georgian-Ossetian forces in July-August, which entirely caused the death of 16 Georgian military personal and the loss in the non-military citizens. 3) President Mikheil Saakashvili appeared on the United Nations’ conference in September and considered the three-phase plan of conflict resolution, but this was not enough to cease the clashes between Georgian Special Forces and Ossetian subversive groups in October. Several meetings were held in Sochi and Vladikavkaz (parts of Russian Federation) in November, whereas President Mikheil Saakashvili suggested “Federal arrangement” to the self-proclaimed republics and commissioned the government to elaborate a peace plan by February of 2005 year. The research work is held by the method of documenting the events accurately and it demonstrates that the military activities noticeably hardened an attempt of the restoration of Georgian territorial integrity and paved the way to the full-scale Russo-Georgian August War in 2008.
საქართველო, ოსები, რუსეთის ფედერაცია, კონფლიქტი
როგორ მიმდინარეობდა საისტორიო აზროვნების ტრანსფორმაცია საქართველოს სასკოლო სახელმძღვანელოებში (1987-1991)
Within the Soviet Union, history occupied a central place among the social sciences taught in schools. Historical knowledge was regarded as an integral component of the scientific worldview and a crucial source for the formation of communist morality, as well as an essential indicator of an individual’s cultural level. According to Soviet ideological doctrine, this social function of historical knowledge acquired increasing importance in the context of the acute ideological struggle between socialism and capitalism on the international stage. In the course of this research, we analyzed several history textbooks and curricula published during the Soviet period. The changes are particularly evident in the presentation of nineteenth and twentieth century Georgian history. Compared to the 1987 curriculum, by 1990 Georgian school textbooks offered a more thorough discussion of the Tergdaleulebi, while the rigid class-based framework was significantly dismantled. The history of Georgia between 1918 and 1921 was examined in detail, and the very terminology used is noteworthy: the state proclaimed by socialists was referred to as a Democratic Republic. Nevertheless, the arrival of British, Turkish, and German forces continued to be described as the invasion of foreign interventionists. The Act of 26 May 1918 was discussed, with explicit reference to the fact that the Georgian nation had struggled for 117 years to achieve independence an interpretation absent from earlier curricula, which failed to acknowledge the sustained national struggle for independence. The same program also addressed the Treaty of 7 May 1920, emphasizing that, in light of newly available materials and conceptual approaches, the events of February 1921 should be explained as a violation of the treaty by Soviet Russia, which established Soviet rule in Georgia through the use of the Red Army. It was explicitly stated that Georgia did not voluntarily unite with Russia but instead once again lost its independence. In the history courses for grades 10-11, particular attention was devoted to national policy. The curriculum emphasized Georgia’s diversity and underscored that all efforts were directed toward protecting the constitutional rights of the Georgian nation and achieving full sovereignty. The August Uprising of 1924 was examined in depth and characterized as a national liberation movement. The reasons for its defeat were analyzed, along with the severe repressions that claimed the lives of many Georgian patriots. Unlike earlier programs, the tragic events of 9 March 1956 and 9 April 1989 in Tbilisi were presented comprehensively and accompanied by explicit evaluations. Despite these significant changes, notable similarities remained between the 1987 and 1990 curriculum. Most strikingly, neither mentioned the Stalinist repressions of 1937, the topic was entirely omitted, with no discussion of who fell victim to these repressions or why. Secondly, in both programs the beginning of the Second World War was dated to 1941. There was no reference to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, nor to Soviet military actions against Poland or Finland.
საისტორიო აზროვნება, საბჭოთა კავშირი, საბჭოთა სკოლა, ისტორიის სახელმძღვანელო, ისტორიის პროგრამა
ტოპონიმების განსაბჭოება საქართველოში (1987-1991 წწ.)
For totalitarian systems such as the Soviet Union, the control of all symbolic and social spaces – including toponymy – is essential. For such regimes, place names carry explicit political significance: they function as instruments of representation and as symbols through which regime ideology is embedded and normalized within society. In the Soviet Union, and consequently in Georgia – incorporated into the Soviet state through occupation and de facto annexation – the naming and renaming of geographical entities constituted a mechanism of ideological control. The topic under investigation is particularly salient because toponyms vividly reflect the interplay of collective memory, identity, and power. They serve as tools through which these forces are articulated, while their transformation signals deeper structural changes within both the state and society. In the second half of the 1980s, the Soviet Union entered a period of profound transformation commonly associated with the policy of perestroika. Following the ascent of Mikhail Gorbachev to the leadership of the Communist Party, a series of reforms was initiated with the stated objective of renewing and prolonging the existence of an empire facing systemic crisis. Socio-economic restructuring was accompanied by processes of political and cultural liberalization, encapsulated in the doctrine of glasnost, as well as by efforts to normalize relations with Western states. Numerous aspects of public and political life were revisited and reassessed. Dissident and national liberation movements, previously suppressed or marginalized, re-emerged into the public sphere. The processes of perestroika and glasnost directly affected toponymic practices, as they catalyzed a gradual rejection of Soviet-era naming conventions and encouraged the restoration of historical place names. The primary objective of this research is to examine how the process of toponymic change was initiated in the Soviet Union and in Georgia, how it unfolded, and which actors played decisive roles in shaping it. To what extent was the process deliberate and systematic? How did the population respond? Why did these transformations begin prior to the restoration of Georgia’s state independence? Was the process driven predominantly “from above” by political authorities, or “from below” by societal pressures? The chronological framework of the study extends from 1987 – marking the onset of the active phase of perestroika – to 1991, the year in which Georgia restored its state independence. This research offers a measure of scholarly novelty, as the issue of toponymic de-Sovietization in Georgia has not, to date, received sustained and systematic academic attention. The study therefore seeks to address and partially fill this gap. The findings demonstrate that the de-Sovietization of toponyms in Georgia during the perestroika period corresponded to a longstanding societal aspiration: the symbolic and cultural restoration of conditions that had existed prior to Soviet occupation and de facto annexation. Both the transformation of toponymy and the broader processes of de-Sovietization and political emancipation formed integral components of the national liberation movement that intensified in the late 1980s. In this sense, toponymic change also embodied characteristics of decolonization within a formerly subordinated political space. Despite these developments, the process of toponymic de-Sovietization remains incomplete. This is evidenced both by the continued official presence of certain Soviet-era place names and by the persistence of Soviet nomenclature within public memory, even where such names have been formally abolished.
ტოპონიმები, განსაბჭოება, ეროვნულ-განმათავისუფ ლე ბელი მოძრაობა, „გარდაქმნა“, „საჯაროობა“
„ბოროტების იმპერიის“ დასასრული: რონალდ რეიგანის სტრატეგიული როლი საბჭოთა კავშირის დაშლაში
This article provides an in-depth analysis of Ronald Reagan’s strategic role in the dissolution of the Soviet Union, situating his presidency within the broader context of the Cold War’s final decade. It examines Reagan’s multi - faceted approach that combined a significant military buildup − particularly through initiatives such as the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) − with aggressive economic pressure, and bold diplomatic efforts aimed at confronting and ultimately undermining the Soviet regime, which Reagan famously labeled the “Evil Empire”. The study draws on a diverse range of primarily and secondary sources, including the perspectives of historians, political scientists, and contemporary analysts. By engaging with both supportive and critical interpretations of Reagan’s policies, the article offers a balanced and comprehensive understanding of his impact. The study also explores the complex internal dynamics of the USSR during this period, highlighting the severe economic stagnation, systemic inefficiencies, and the political reforms initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev. By synthesizing these external and internal factors, the article demonstrates how Reagan’s policies intensified the pressures on the Soviet system, accelerating its decline. Furthermore, it analyzes the diplomatic engagements between Reagan and Gorbachev, emphasizing how these interactions helped ease tensions and paved the way for the peaceful end of the Cold War. This article contributes to existing scholarship by emphasizing Reagan’s underestimated strategic role in accelerating the Soviet Union’s collapse, challenging narratives that attribute the dissolution primary to internal Soviet factors or Gorbachev’s reforms alone. By integrating both external pressures and internal dynamics, the study offers a nuanced perspective that enriches our understanding of the Cold War’s final chapter. Moreover, this study highlights the broader implications of Reagan’s policies on international relations and the global balance of power during the late 20th century, By demonstrating how strategic leadership and diplomatic engagement can influence the course of history, the article provides valuable insights for both scholars and policymakers interested in understanding the complexities of geopolitical transformations. Drawing on a wide range of scholarly sources, historical records, and expert analyses, this article examines the strategic, political, and economic factors that collectively led to one of the most significant geopolitical shifts of the 20th century − the collapse of the Soviet Union.
ცივი ომი, პერესტროიკა, რეიგანის დოქტრინა, ბოროტების იმპერია
საბჭოთა მეხსიერება: ოთარ ჭილაძის „აველუმი“, როგორც ტრავმული ტექსტი
Literature is an important tool for reflecting and processing cultural trauma, solely because it transforms pain into art. Cathy Caruth writes that Freud used literature to explore trauma, highlighting the complex ties between knowledge and ignorance (Caruth 1996: 16). Art is oftentimes inspired by tragedies such as war, loss, destruction since they awake profound emotions in people, offering a creative outlet for pain beyond mere charming aesthetics. Writing preserves and helps reinterpreting collective trauma, offering space to fragmented and non- linear memories. Jeffrey Alexander argues that trauma is a social construct, shaped by perception (Alexander... 2004: 1). In literature, trauma reshapes identity and narratives. In post-Soviet countries, it gained significance, giving value to suppressed pain from authoritarian rule. The collapse of Soviet Union made a way for creativity, letting writers in Georgia, Ukraine, and beyond express decades old institutional violence and disillusionment through personal and deeply emotional stories. Georgian literature in 20th century reflects on trauma from Soviet and post-Soviet times. National discourse rose in both public and intellectual spheres, reevaluating identity after gaining state sovereignty. Otar Chiladze’s “Avelum” (1995) is an example of this phenomenon, portraying a traumatized society. The Soviet era (19211991) brought repression, ideological pressure, and events like the 1956 and 1989 tragedies, forming a crack in collective consciousness which are echoed in Avelum. The novel’s complex narrative happens in span of 33 years, using literary method of stream-of- consciousness to express trauma’s non-linear nature. Avelum isn’t a solitary but a collective figure who seeks freedom in spite of Soviet oppression, while also struggling with alienation. His romantic affairs – Melania’s betrayal , ties with Francoise (Europe) and Sonia (Russia) – symbolize Georgia’s struggles. His relationship with daughter Ekaekaterinekato paints a picture of a rather dysfunctional father-child connection, same with illegitimate daughter from Francoise. Chiladze in his novel blends myth, magical realism, and psychology. Avelum’s death in civil unrest highlights his torn identity. Matthew Janney cites Gramsci: “the old is dying, and the new cannot be born” (Janney 2021). Avelum warns of lost belongingness and ideological collapse, letting us see Soviet Georgia through a sensitive intellectual’s eyes, pulled apart between past and present.
საბჭოთა კავშირი, ოთარ ჭილაძე, „აველუმი“, კულტურული ტრავმა
დასავლური მუსიკა და მუსიკოსები საბჭოთა პერიოდის ოფიციალური პერიოდული გამოცემების ფურცლებზე „უძრაობის“ ხანაში
This article explores the representation of Western music and musicians in the official Soviet periodical press, focusing on the ideological, cultural, and political frameworks that shaped such portrayals. By examining a range of Soviet newspapers and magazines from the post-war decades through the late Soviet era, the study investigates how Western musical phenomena – particularly jazz, rock, and pop – were framed within a discourse of ideological confrontation and cultural control. The analysis reveals the complex interplay between censorship, propaganda, and selective openness that characterized the Soviet media’s engagement with Western culture. While official publications often condemned Western music as a symbol of capitalist decadence or moral decay, they simultaneously appropriated certain stylistic or performative aspects that could be aligned with socialist values. This ambivalent discourse reflected broader tensions within Soviet cultural policy: the desire to maintain ideological purity while acknowledging the growing popularity and influence of global musical trends among Soviet citizens. By situating the discussion within the context of Cold War cultural diplomacy and internal Soviet media strategies, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of how music functioned as both a site of ideological struggle and a channel of cultural exchange. The study ultimately argues that the Soviet portrayal of Western music served not merely as propaganda but as a revealing mirror of the regime’s anxieties, aspirations, and adaptive mechanisms in the face of transnational modernity.
ხელოვნება და იდეოლოგია, ცივი ომი, საბჭოთა პრესა, ცენზურა, ჯაზი, როკი
ქალი, როგორც საარჩევნო სუბიექტი საქართველოში (1917-1920 წწ.)
This paper explores the emergence of women as electoral subjects in Georgia during the transformative years between 1917 and 1920. This period, marked by the collapse of the Russian Empire and the subsequent establishment of the Democratic Republic of Georgia, provided a unique historical and political backdrop that significantly impacted the status and roles of women in public life. The paper investigates how the broader political and social upheavals of the time especially those triggered by the Russian Revolution and the subsequent reconfiguration of political power created new opportunities and challenges for women seeking political recognition and participation. Central to the discussion are the elections of 1917, a watershed moment in Georgian history, during which women not only gained the right to vote but also began to actively assert themselves in the political sphere. This study pays special attention to the ways in which women engaged in these early democratic processes as voters, as candidates, and as active political agents thereby laying the groundwork for the future of women’s political involvement in Georgia. 95The paper further examines the brief but crucial period of Georgia’s independence from 1918 to 1921, during which the country adopted progressive legislation, including the extension of suffrage to women. Within this context, the paper analyzes the extent and limitations of women’s political participation, exploring both institutional frameworks and societal attitudes that shaped their roles. A comparative analysis of the positions of the major political parties of the time the Social Democrats (Mensheviks), Socialist-Federalists, Socialist-Revolutionaries, and National Democrats sheds light on how different ideological groups approached the issue of women’s rights. While some parties endorsed gender equality and encouraged female political participation, others remained ambivalent or even resistant to such changes. These differing political visions underscore the contested nature of women’s political agency and the broader debates about democracy, citizenship, and social change during this period. The study relies primarily on contemporary newspapers, parliamentary records, and archival documents, which offer valuable insights into the evolving discourse on women’s political roles. These sources reveal not only how women were represented in public debates but also how they represented themselves − through activism, candidacies, and participation in party structures. The research is primarily based on contemporary newspapers and archival materials, which provide valuable insights into how women’s roles in politics were discussed, supported, or challenged during this formative historical moment.
ქალები, არჩევნები, პოლიტიკური პარტიები, რევოლუცია, დამოუკიდებლობის გამოცხადება.
საფრანგეთის რევოლუციის 1789-1791 წლების (დამფუძნებელი კრების) შესწავლა საქართველოში
The following work is historiographic in nature and aims to highlight one interesting issue – Study of the French Revolution 1789-1791 (National Constituent Assembly) in Georgia. This is a novelty, which has a Georgian context, and is one of the first attempts to study the aforementioned problem. The French Revolution is a subject on which historians have never been unanimous. There are many opinions that belong to distinguished historians and are completely different from each other. In fact, controversy and different views exist on all issues: in the evaluation of the revolution itself, in the work of the Girondists and Jacobins, in relation to agrarian reforms, etc. Georgian historiography also has a different approach to the French Revolution. One of these interesting and important subjects is Study of the French Revolution 1789-1791 (National Constituent Assembly) in Georgia itself. In the Democratic Republic of Georgia, there was a different version of Study of the French Revolution 1789-1791 (National Constituent Assembly) in Georgia, and of course, a different version existed in the Georgian historiography of Soviet-Era. Modern Georgian historiography expresses a completely different opinion. 77Before Georgia joined the Soviet Union, the main plus of the Georgian historiography was that it had a positive attitude towards the first stage of the French Revolution in Georgia. They tried to assess the matter from progressive and liberal point-of-view. This was a scientific approach to the matter, which, naturally, has its strong and weak sides. We consider that the attitude of the Georgian historiography of the Soviet period towards the first stage of the Great French Revolution in Georgia is harsh. Clearly, it was not accidental and was conditioned by their jacobinism. The Georgian historiography of the post Soviet Union tries to balance the inconsistency and all stages of the Great French Revolution are shown in a balanced manner. Everything mentioned above will be discussed in our article in details.
საფრანგეთის რევოლუცია, დამფუძნებელი კრე ბა, ქარ თული ისტორიოგრაფია, ქართული პუბლიცისტიკა, საბჭოთა ისტორიოგ რაფია
1790 წლის ქართველ მეფე-მთავართა ტრაქტატი და პოლიტიკური ვითარება ქართულ სამეფო-სამთავროებში
This article explores the political dynamics of late 18th-century Georgia, focusing on the 1780s and 1790s − a pivotal period when the restoration of national unity became a central theme of Georgian statecraft. Following the unification of the kingdoms of Kartli and Kakheti under Erekle II in 1762, there arose a significant historical opportunity to incorporate Western Georgia (the Kingdom of Imereti) and the principalities into a single sovereign entity. The study examines the critical events of 1790, when a delegation of Imeretian nobles and clergy formally offered the crown of Western Georgia to Erekle II. Despite the widespread support for unification among the social strata and the military elite, Erekle II ultimately declined the offer. This paper analyzes the multifaceted reasons behind this refusal, ranging from internal dynastic pressures − specifically the influence of Queen Darejan and the interests of the royal princes − to the precarious geopolitical situation. The author highlights that the fear of a new conflict with the Ottoman Empire, which regarded Imereti as its sphere of influence, and the restrictive nature of the 1783 Treaty of Georgievsk with the Russian Empire, played decisive roles in this outcome. A central focus of the article is the “Treaty of the Iberians” (1790), orchestrated by the Vice-Chancellor Solomon Lyonidze. The paper argues that while formal legal unification failed, this treaty established a de facto confederation. By analyzing the text of the document, the author demonstrates how the Georgian monarchs and princes utilized the term “Iveria” to emphasize a shared ethnic, linguistic, and religious identity (“Iverianism”), transcending the fragmented provincial identities of the time. The treaty is presented as a sophisticated military-political alliance designed for mutual defense against common enemies and as an attempt to integrate Western Georgia into the protective umbrella of the Russian Empire. In conclusion, the article posits that the 1790 Treaty was the ultimate expression of the Georgian political elite’s desire for survival and unity. Although it did not prevent the eventual loss of independence, it serves as a testament to the advanced political thought of the era and the persistent aspiration for a unified Georgian state.
ქართლ-კახეთი, იმერეთი, საქართველოს გაერთიანება, ივე რიელთა ტრაქტატი
ჯადოქრებზე ნადირობის იდეოლოგიური საწყისები ევროპაში
Witch hunts were one of the most tragic phenomena in European history. From the late Middle Ages, societies believed that certain individuals served evil forces through pacts with the devil, which fueled fear, demonological theories, and mass persecution. Representations of witchcraft appear in legal, literary, and ecclesiastical texts, serving both to terrify the populace and reinforce social control. From the fourteenth century, some were thought capable of performing magic with the devil’s help. By the early fifteenth century, the idea of secret witch sects emerged, gathering to worship the devil, harm humans and crops, and undermine Christian society. This formed the foundation of the “doctrine of witchcraft,” driving persecutions from the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. Chronicles, pamphlets, court records, and treatises documented these beliefs. Mid-fifteenth-century demonological treatises explained harmful magical practices, defined demonic influence, and guided courts in judging witchcraft. Texts from the 1430s, such as Hans Frid’s chronicle, Johannes Nider’s Formicarius, Errores Gazariorum, Vauderye de Lyonois, Claude Tolosan’s judicial writings, and Martin Le Franc’s poem Le Champion des Dames, described the organization, rituals, and alleged crimes of witches. Four main elements defined witchcraft: collective gatherings, loyalty to the devil, unnatural acts (cannibalism, infanticide, perverse sexuality), and magical flight. While some authors were skeptical, many promoted these beliefs as grounds for repression. Witch hunts reflected the intersection of theology and political authority, where fear served as a social control mechanism. Demonological texts and trials transformed ideological beliefs into real persecution, often targeting entire communities perceived as “other.” In conclusion, European witch hunts were not only historical events but also profound challenges to human thought and social order. They demonstrate how fear and superstition can escalate into institutional violence and underline the importance of critical thinking and legal safeguards to prevent similar tragedies.
ჯადოქრობა, მაგია, ერესი, შაბათი, ეშმაკი, ინკვიზიცია
The expansion of the Arab-Muslim world, which had begun under the RightlyGuided Caliphs, reached its zenith during the Umayyad Caliphate (661-750). The eighth century marked one of the most dynamic stages of Islamic territorial and ideological growth. In this context, the Arab conquest of Sindh in 711-712 CE represents a formative event in the creation of a new Indo-Islamic cultural and political space. According to Arabic historiographical sources, the campaign was commanded by Muhammad ibn Al-Qasim Al-Thaqafi, a seventeen-year-old general sent by the governor of Iraq, Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, under the authority of the Caliph Al-Walid I. The invasion targeted the kingdom of Sindh, then ruled by the Brahman king Dahir. The conflict was provoked by the looting of Arab merchant ships near Debal by Sindhi pirates, which gave the Caliphate both a political and religious pretext for launching a retaliatory expedition. Primary information about this conquest is preserved in the works of Ahmad ibn Jabir Al-Baladhuri (Futuh Al-Buldan), Al-Yaqubi, Al-Tabari, Ibn Al-Athir, and the later Persian translation of the Arabic Chachnama by Ali ibn Hamid Al-Kufi. However, among these, only Al-Baladhuri and Al-Kufi offer detailed narratives of the events. Modern historians, such as Wink, Hitti, Gabrieli, and Sharma, have provided critical interpretations of these classical sources. The military campaign began in 711 CE with a force of approximately 30,000 soldiers, supported by siege machines and cavalry. After fierce fighting, Ibn AlQasim captured the strategic port city of Debal, often referred to in Muslim sources as Bab Al-Islam – “the Gate of Islam”. This victory enabled the incorporation of Sindh into the Umayyad Caliphate as a province, with its capital later established at Al-Mansurah. Although the military conquest was limited geographically, its cultural and historical impact was profound. The Arabs introduced Islam into South Asia, laying the foundations for subsequent Muslim polities. This study is based primarily on the accounts of Al-Baladhuri and Ali Al-Kufi, supported by modern scholarship. The scholarly novelty of the article lies in the fact that it is the first scientific treatment of the Arab conquest of Sindh presented in Georgian historiography, combining classical Arabic narratives with modern historical criticism.
უმაიანთა სახალიფო, სინდი, ისლამური დაპყრობები, დაჰირი, მუჰამად იბნ ალ-კასიმი
ფეოდალური საზოგადოება წიგნი პირველი: უკანასკნელი შემოსევები (თავი პირველი)
საავტორო უფლებები (c) 2022 სტუდენტური საისტორიო ძიებანი
გიორგი ზდანოვიჩის აქამდე გამოუქვეყნებელი წერილი
ხალხოსნობა, ზდანოვიჩის წერილები, რუსეთის იმპერია, ჩავარდნა, აკრძალული ლიტერატურა, ფრიჩები, მოსკოველთა წრე, სრულიად რუსეთის სოციალ-რევოლუციური ორგანიზაცია
საჩუქართან დაკავშირებული რიტუალები და მატერიალური „შეწირულობანი“ ქართული ეთნოგრაფიული მონაცემების მიხედვით
საჩუქრის ფენომენი, მატერიალური შეწირულობანი, ქართული კულტურა
ინდივიდუალური და კოლექტიური შემოქმედების ურთიერთმიმართება შიოლა ღუდუშაურის ციკლის ტექსტებში
ფოლკლორი, შიოლა ღუდუშაური, მთრეხელი, ბალადა, ინდივიდუალური შემოქმედება, როსტომ ჩხეიძე, ტრადიცია
ქართულ-ოსური კონფლიქტის გადაჭრის მცდელობები და მათი წარუმატებლობის მიზეზები 1991-2003 წლებში
ცხინვალი, კონფლიქტი, სამხრეთ ოსეთი, მოლაპარაკებები, კონფლიქტის დარეგულირების მაკროპოლიტიკური მეთოდები
1991 წლის „აგვისტოს პუტჩი“ მოსკოვში და საქართველოს ხელისუფლების დამოკიდებულება მისდამი (ბრიტანული და ირლანდიული პრესის მასალების მიხედვით)
ბრიტანული პრესა, ირლანდიური პრესა, საბჭოთა კავშირი, მოსკოვი, საქართველო, აგვისტოს პუტჩი, ზვიად გამსახურდია, მიხეულ გორბაჩოვი, ბორის ელცინი, გენადი იანაევი, ეროვნული გვარდია, თენგიზ კიტოვანი, საგანგებო მდგომარეობის სახელმწიფო კომიტეტი
საავტორო უფლებები (c) 2024 სტუდენტური საისტორიო ძიებანი
რიჩარდ ნიქსონი და ახალი ეტაპი აშშ-ჩინეთის ურთიერთობებში
რიჩარდ ნიქსონი, ჩინეთი, მაო ძედუნი, ჰენრი კისინჯერი, ჯოუ ენ ლაი, ურთიერთობები, დიპლომატიური, ნორმალიზაცია, ტაივანი, შანხაის კომუნიკე
ახალი მასალები 1924 წლის ანტისაბჭოთა აჯანყების შესახებ
ანტისაბჭოთა აჯანყება, 1924 წლის აჯანყება, პარიტეტული კომიტეტი, დამოუკიდებლობის კომიტეტი, რეპრესიები, საქართველოს ოკუპაცია, სოციალური მდგომარეობა სოფლებში
აბორიგენი ინდიელების მდგომარეობა კანადაში – კულტურული გენოციდი თუ დისკრიმინაცია
აბორიგენი ინდიელები, კანადა, სკოლა ინტერნატები, „ინდიელთა აქტი“, გენოციდი, რეზერვაციები, სამოციანების წმენდა, საშვის ნებართვის სისტემა
ვალენშტაინის მკვლელობის მიზეზების შეფასების საკითხისთვის
ვალენშტაინი, 30-წლიანი ომი, იმპერატორი, ფერდინანდ II, მკვლელობა, გუსტავ-ადოლფი, პილზენის მოლაპარაკებები, საღვთო რომის იმპერია; ჰაბსბურგთა დინასტია, კურფიურსტები, კათოლიკური ეკლესია
ჯოვანი ტომაზო მინადოისა და ანონიმი ავტორის ცნობები სიმონ I-ის ოსმალებთან ბრძოლის შესახებ
სიმონ I, ირან-ოსმალეთის დაპირისიპრება, 1578-1590, ევროპელი ავტორები საქართველოს შესახებ, ანტიოსმალური კოალიციები, სიქსტუს V, გორის ციხე, შაჰ მოჰამედ ხოდაბენდე, ჯოვანი ტომაზო მინადოი, რუდოლფ II, საღვთო რომის იმპერატორი
ლეონ სპათარიოსის ბიზანტიური მისია საქართველოში
ლეონ სპათარიოსი, ბიზანტიის იმპერია, თეოფანე ჟამთააღმწერელი, დასავლეთ საქართველო, ბიზანტიური მისია, დიპლომატია, არაბთა დომინირება
თავისუფალი ადამიანისა და „მონის“ გატაცება-გაქცევის შემთხვევები ხეთური კანონების მიხედვით
ხეთური კანონები, თავისუფალი ადამიანი და მონა, გაქცევა-გატაცება, არცავას ქვეყნები
ფილიპე V მაკედონელის მიერ თესალიის ქალაქ ლარისასთვის გაგზავნილი წერილები ძვ.წ. 217-215 წლებში
ფილიპე V, წერილები, ქალაქი ლარისა, მოქალაქეობა
ქართულ-აფხაზური და ქართულ-ოსური TRACK 1.5 დიალოგების შედარებითი ანალიზი
კავკასიის რეგიონი, ეთნიპოლიტიკური კონფლიქტი, მშვიდობის შექმნა ‒ Peacemaking, სამშვიდობო ფორმატები, Track 1.5 მოლაპარაკებათა დიალოგები, 2008 წლის აგვისტოს ომი, სამოქალაქო საზოგადოება